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PART V. THE RECONQUEST OF GALLEON

  R’hahes knew that any plan to retake the Galleon heartlands would need to begin with Ticate. Ticate was a relatively easy target; not in such a way that it was easy to siege (indeed, its mountains proved the opposite to be true), nor was it short in terms of time (the invasion of Ticate took 3 years). What was simpler about Ticate, compared to the other targets, was the political landscape, and the goal which needed to be accomplished. Ticate had strongarmed Galleon much like the surrounding kingdoms, but they did not foster this mutual hatred. Instead, Ticate remained isolated and arrogant – continuing to refer to themselves as the rightful heirs to Verdicus. It was not that their neighbours coveted such a title, but the title itself implied ownership over all of the territory Verdicus had once conquered; and it was this fact which cultivated distrust.

  As well, the Reconquest of Galleon meant taking all of Ticate. The invasion would be complete when all of the peninsula was under Galleon control. In contrast, Vye and Gallor were merely a part of larger southern kingdoms. Where Ticate would be conquered in its entirety, Vye and Gallor would need to be bartered for in peace negotiations. Neither R’hahes nor Guiscarl II had any intentions of conquering all of Oustuor or Constaille – nor was it likely even possible. So, enough land had to be taken or enough blood spilled that Oustuor and Constaille would part with the land historically owned by Galleon.

  As stated, Ticate was a slow but incredible success. As R’hahes and Guiscarl II ascended the eastern coast, besieging forts and cities as they approached the capital, Balwain and Maulisse rode along the western coast attacking farms and undefended cities. When needed, Maulisse and Balwain would cut across the mountains to reinforce the main army. R’hahes, in preparation for the invasion, had sent soldiers dressed as Suden missionaries. The spies pretended to be there for spiritual purposes but their true goal was to provide detailed maps and descriptions of the Ticate mountains. Ticate’s greatest defence had been their knowledge of the landscape. Raiders or invaders who stretched too far into the mountains would get lost, while the Verdicii knew the mountains well. Without such an advantage now, Ticate found itself struggling to contend with the mobile forces of Maulisse and Balwain. His plan had not been without risk, however. The troops he had disguised were not red-skinned, as any red-skinned meldore would already have been true Sudenites. Luckily, there were few, if any, meldore within Ticate and the people of the remote mountain villages knew little about Iigrantism or Suden culture. To them, any meldore dressed as a monk could have been a Sudenite.

  Within three years, the capital, Morograv, was taken, King Brutagon of Ticate was killed, and the remaining mountain strongholds surrendered to Galleon. The Verdicii were impressed, or perhaps shocked, by the efficiency with which they were defeated; Ticate had thought itself impenetrable. Galleon, however, did not have time to rejoice in their victory. In order for their plan to work properly, time was of the essence. They would need to strike Constaille before it had time to respond. In fact, the mountain strongholds took longer to surrender than R’hahes had expected. In his original plans, the assault on Ticate was only supposed to take two years – already, they were falling behind schedule.

  Constaille was not blind to Galleon’s movements. They had heard about the ambitious meldore who boasted he could reclaim Galleon’s lost territory. They mustered forces in preparation of a defense but grew complacent as Galleon’s invasion of Ticate was prolonged over several years. Constaille did not believe that Galleon would be capable of persisting further after being worn out through Ticate. They neglected to recognize that it was not merely Galleon conducting this war. With supplies and money streaming in from Gedrovach and Suden, Galleon was able to recuperate quickly. They were also able to bolster their forces by enlisting the remaining Ticate soldiers. Most of these soldiers were poorly trained, but their presence in bulking out the Galleon army was a boon nonetheless. It also removed instigators from Ticate, who may have taken Galleon’s absence as an opportunity to attack. Meanwhile, Prince Rastophe remained in Ticate to enforce peace and train further troops.

  As such, Constaille was ill-prepared when Galleon marched into their kingdom. So much so, that R’hahes and Guiscarl II were taken aback by how little resistance was present. Had they pushed this advantage, they likely could have won the war in this initial push. R’hahes and Balwain insisted that they continue, but Guiscarl II and Maulisse argued on a more cautious approach. R’hahes did not want to undermine Guiscarl II’s leadership over his own troops and conceded to his authority.

  Unfortunately, this allowed Constaille time to properly muster their strength. The next two years saw many Galleon victories but Constaille continued to hold out. With Constaille refusing to surrender to Galleon, rebellious intent began to grow in Ticate. The late King’s brother, Verdarus von Ruhdrugon, began mustering forces in an attempt to retake Ticate. Maulisse insisted on returning to Ticate to deal with Verdarus personally. She and Balwain took the bulk of the Galleon forces and returned to Ticate. In Vye, R’hahes and Guiscarl II remained with the Red Guards and most of the Ticate-born troops in the fortress of Frondwell. Constaille assaulted the fortress several times but were unable to break through the Red Guard. Maulisse spent the next year destroying Verdarus’ forces and hunting him down. In response to Verdarus’ rebellion, Rastophe betrothed himself to Brutagon’s daughter, seven-year-old Princess Anaura, and had the rest of the von Ruhdrugon’s killed.

  Maulisse began her march back when her scouts reported a fatal mistake by Constaille’s commander, Duke Olphest. In his focus on taking Frondwell, the Duke had positioned himself at the nearby fortress of Ingled. R’hahes had been sustaining his defence by performing excursions into the farmlands to the east; the Duke, by positioning himself in Ingled, made these excursions nearly impossible without the risk of exposing themselves to retaliation. However, the Duke failed to recognize that this left an open path straight from Ticate to Constaille’s capital, Coursigne, along the western coast.

  Maulisse and Balwain knew that this was an opportunity they needed to capitalize on. They began their march south, without first discussing such a plan with R’hahes or Guiscarl II. They needed to strike before Coursigne realized it was vulnerable and opted to send a messenger to inform R’hahes and Guiscarl II of their plan. Unfortunately for them, the messenger was intercepted by Constaion scouts who brought this information to Duke Olphest.

  Recognizing the error, he mustered from Ingled and rushed to reach the city before them. Without the messenger arriving, R’hahes and Guiscarl II were unsure about the Duke’s movements and did not want to risk engaging him with their meagre force. The Duke’s march remained unmolested and he was able to maintain great speed. Maulisse and Balwain became aware of the Duke’s approach and recognized they were not going to make it to the city before him. Maulisse took a group of riders and set off to intercept Duke Olphest.

  Maulisse was successful in halting the Duke, and Balwain reached the city before any real defence was set. However, the gates remained closed and Balwain readied for a siege. Fortunately, during this time a messenger finally got through to Frondwell. Having learned about Maulisse’s plan, R’hahes and Guiscarl II rushed out to attack the Duke’s rear. Maulisse’s forces were holding the Duke’s forces but only barely. On the verge of defeat, King Guiscarl II’s forces arrived and Duke Olphest’s army was destroyed by an attack from two directions. Learning of Olphest’s defeat, Coursigne surrendered with no hope of relief. However, the victory was a bitter-sweet one: in a devastating shock to Guiscarl II, his daughter had been struck by an arrow during her attack and died.

  Before the battle, Balwain had been an extremely close friend of Guscarl II. In fact, there are several letters which confirm Guiscarl II had proposed a marriage between Balwain and Maulisse after the Reconquest. This friendship died alongside Maulisse’s passing. Through contemporary histories, it was often described that Guiscarl II blamed Balwain for not leading the assault in her stead. He believed Balwain cared more for the glory of taking Coursigne than protecting Maulisse. Balwain asserted that he had followed Maulisse’s instructions and continued forward on her orders. Regardless of the reason, Balwain, who had been greatly rewarded after the conquest of Ticate, was slighted when Guiscarl II handed out titles for Vye. Balwain retained influence in Galleon; he was popular among the other nobles and was at no risk of losing the lands he owned. It would appear, though, that the loss of this friendship was enough of a punishment, and the loss of Maulisse continued to torment Balwain for some time. In letters to Guiscarl II, Balwain continuously exhibited remorse and begged for forgiveness, to no avail. It was during this time that he would find solace in a new friendship, this time with R’hahes.

  Despite gaining a confidant in Balwain, the Reconquest of Galleon appeared to be faltering on the brink of success. There was only one region left but tensions were rising. Duke Olphest, blaming the king’s incompetence on their failure, usurped the Constaille throne. Dealing with the subsequent aftermath of his coup, the newly-made King Olphest agreed to renounce all claims on Vye. Furthermore, to maintain this peace, Olphest offered to marry his sister to Guiscarl II. Guiscarl II, likely still in shock after his daughter’s death, had become less motivated to continue the campaign. Instead, he began to focus on his wedding and ensuring peace between Galleon and Constaille.

  As well, Oustuor had witnessed both Ticate and Vye fall into Galleon’s hands. They knew what was to come and were not going to fall into complacency like Constaille. Oustuor’s spies had come to understand many of the inner workings of Galleon’s operations: they knew R’hahes was in charge of the campaign; they knew it was being funded by Suden; and, they knew many of Galleon’s tactics which had been used for the last eight years. Oustuor also had an excellent relationship with Midland to their south, which further complicated the matter. Midland had continued to hate the Gallois, or now Galleons, long after their departure. With Midland rising into a regional superpower, they were not going to watch idly as Galleon rose to challenge their control of the west; nor did Midland appreciate Gedrovach’s meddling. Midland had spent years fostering good trade relations with Gedrovach and Suden and, for Gedrovach’s part, Midland’s push into the Sundsai Sea made them an excellent foil to Nitra. Gedrovach, nor Suden, would risk openly supporting aggression towards Midland.

  R'hahes, not ignorant to this fact, was not fighting with Gedrovach troops (he insisted that the Red Guard were his personal guards) and, therefore, was acting on his own accord. He intended to allow Gedrovach plausible deniability. This ruse would not last, however.

  Before even completing his campaign in Vye, R’hahes was already sending scouts, once again dressed as Suden monks, into Gallor to assess their defences. This had worked wonders in Ticate, and seemed rather inconsequential at the time, but R’hahes was taken back when he received a letter from Lorna. His wife informed him that Midlander diplomats had visited the Gedrovach court, with meldore prisoners in tow. The Midlanders revealed that the spies were illegally posing as Suden monks but were also in possession of Sudenese coin. The diplomats did not openly accuse the Gedrovach court, but their message was clear: should more Sudenese coin be found on spying soldiers, Gedrovachi traders would no longer find themselves welcomed in Midland. Frightened by Midland’s threat, Suden cut off all assistance going to R’hahes.

  Fortunately, he had already received a great sum from Suden and the Wahtanonda had increased its wealth significantly under Lorna’s oversight. He was able to comfortably finish the war with Constaille, but he did not want to risk crippling everything Lorna had accomplished in Wahtanonda by siphoning out all of its wealth. If he was going to continue his reconquest, he needed to find a new source of aid.

  Despite every setback, R’hahes was confident. He had already triumphed in two wars considered impossible. Estario Cantadoré, acting as an advisor to R’hahes, came up with an idea to garner support and continue the reconquest. He offered to go to Elganford and the other Sapphire City States as an ambassador. The City States were wealthy and could easily fund R’hahes’ war.

  R’hahes, initially skeptical, was convinced when Cantadoré explained that Elganford and the other Free Cities did not hold a personal grudge against R’hahes, since he was simply a boy fighting alongside his kin. Not to mention, Gedrovach had chosen to abstain from Leonhart’s war, making them innocent in the eyes of the Free Cities. More importantly, any animosity which did exist paled in comparison to the Sapphire City States’ current disdain for Midland. Midland had been pushing to dominate the Sundsai Sea, and was becoming a nuisance to the Free Cities’ trade. If R’hahes could humiliate or cripple Midland, the Sapphire City States would support it. If the Sapphire Cities engaged Midland’s navy, their combined strength with Galleon would force Midland to yield.

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  With renewed vigour, R’hahes made ready to march on Oustuor. He sent Cantadoré to the Free Cities and discussed plans with Balwain. Guiscarl II would sit out the next war and, likely spurred from the death of his daughter, would not allow Rastophe to join the campaign either. However, he allowed R’hahes to retain military control over Galleon’s forces. The Sapphire City States were hesitant to engage Midland directly, but were more than happy to send a small amount of money as a sign of good faith; for the time being, Wahtanonda would be capable of carrying the brunt of the costs. With everything set, and with Guiscarl II’s blessing, the final campaign would take place.

  R'hahes and Balwain saw early success against Oustuor and Midland. Despite preparing a heavy resistance, R’hahes’ clever tactics and the quality of Galleon troops proved too much for the defenders. R’hahes crushed a large combined force along the Tuorne River and forced Oustuor to bunker within their fortresses, rather than risk another engagement with R’hahes. However, despite every victory, Midland was able to recover. Midland became a seemingly unending stream of supplies and troops to prop up Oustuor’s bloodied corpse. R’hahes had no choice but to continue with the second part of his plan: he would attack Midland directly.

  R'hahes was aware that, by this stage in the war, Oustuor was merely a puppet; the true enemy was Midland. If he could force a surrender from Midland, Oustuor would follow its master’s bidding and concede Gallor. R’hahes knew that Midland would prefer to place any concessions on Oustuor, rather than pay for peace themselves– all he had to do was make the conflict untenable for Midland. With Oustuor too frightened to leave the safety of its fortresses, R’hahes rode south into Midland.

  With R’hahes deep into Midland territory, Oustuor saw an opportunity and decided to ride North and attempt to push North and siege Rastiphon. It was a foolish plan, as Guiscarl II and Molygara were still present with a substantial army. With the forces he had retained, Guiscarl II was able to easily defeat Oustuor’s attack. It did, however, reveal an opening which could be exploited. If Midland were to muster its strength and ride North, victory would not have been as certain. R’hahes decided that he could enact his plan with a smaller force and ordered Balwain to move North and prevent any further attacks into Galleon. Balwain opted to stay with R’hahes in the defense and had the Marquis of Elmwood, Robert Farrot, lead in his stead. Farrot successfully reached Galleon with little incident. For their own safety, both Calvade and Sklorane were sent North with Farrot. They would spend a bit of time in Galleon before returning back to Wahtanonda.

  Through a clever bluff involving the returning forces, R’hahes was able to capture Midland’s main port on the Sundsai Sea, Estabur. Upon taking the city, R’hahes burned the port and all of its ships. All except for one ship, of which he had Barto Fitalla (a Sapphire Statesman who had joined alongside his fellow, Cantadoré) dispatched to inform Elganford about the port’s destruction. The city was well into Midland territory but he had recently received word that Cantadoré had finally convinced some of the City States to send direct naval support. Heston, Cantaville and Elganford had all agreed to send ships, on the stipulation that Midland’s ability to trade in the Sundsai Sea be harmed in a tangible way. With the burning of Estabur’s harbour, R’hahes had completed his side of the bargain. Estabur was an extremely important city for Midland since it was the heart of their trade in the Sundsai. R’hahes planned to hold the city until Midland finally surrendered. With the Free Cities supplying him (much like Nitra had supplied Elganford), he would be able to hold out indefinitely. R’hahes believed that victory would only be a matter of time.

  However, the Midlanders recognized that the defending force was small and began besieging the city. The Midlanders were led by Tyra McKenzie who, according to reports from the siege, was extremely thorough in setting up her perimeter. R’hahes was unable to make any moves without McKenzie harassing him. Attempts to forage resulted in capture and execution. McKenzie’s presence also managed to rile up the citizens of Estabur. With food becoming limited, and the people on the verge of rioting, McKenzie made a deal with R’hahes in order to allow the civilians to leave the city. R’hahes agreed but demanded that Estabur’s magister civilium and his family, along with other key patrician families, remain in the city as hostages.

  Unfortunately, a small skirmish broke out between the exiting citizens and some of the Galleons; it is unknown exactly what started it. The Galleon story recalls that the Estaburans leaving the city attempted to take control of the gate and the Galleons were forced to respond with violence. The Estaburans claim that the Galleons had insulted and instigated them by harassing their exit. Regardless, many civilians were killed. Seeing the violence, McKenzie reacted and rushed for the gate to protect the Estaburans. This charge, in turn, forced R’hahes to close the gates – which trapped many of the civilians inside the city. Praising McKenzie’s quick response, many Estaburans who had only just left the city joined the besieging force.

  It was becoming clear that age-old grudges were resurfacing. Hostilities between the Galleons and the remaining Midlanders in the city began to escalate as time passed. Within two months of the siege starting, R’hahes was forced to section off the city to separate the Galleons and Midlanders, with his Red Guard acting as security between the bickering sides. R’hahes just needed to hold out until reinforcements and supplies arrived from the Free Cities. Days past, then weeks. Four months later, R’hahes’ worst fears seemed to be coming true: there would be no help.

  He was caught behind enemy lines. Any messengers were quickly caught and strung up outside the walls of the city. Even if he could have gotten a messenger through, it would have done little good. With Farrot taking most troops back to Galleon, Midland and Oustuor had reestablished most of their defenses; there was no chance of reinforcements making it through. Food was running short and the Galleons began eating their horses and teljin. The Red Guard managed to maintain a flimsy peace but tensions remained high.

  Everything finally boiled over when the magister civilium’s daughter was found dead. A Red Guard found her body lying in an alley and, despite attempts to cover up the situation, the people of Estabur found out. Raped, beaten and left to die in a puddle of her own blood, her death became the rallying cry for the citizens. Caring little for their own lives, the people attacked in a frenzy. Neither the Red Guard nor the Galleons could stop the tide, and R’hahes realized the situation was untenable. The defenders retreated to the inner walls of the docks but, due to the chaos, they were unable to gather most of their supplies. McKenzie entered the city a hero, and a parade was held while R’hahes was forced to cower behind the inner walls.

  Eight months had passed since the beginning of the siege. One can picture the relief R’hahes must have felt when a ship bearing the Heston flag approached the city port. And, perhaps, the heart shattering realization that it was but a single ship. The ship’s captain explained that the Heston fleet was waiting North of the city. The Midlanders’ fleet in the Sundsai had forced them away from the city, and this single ship was able to make it passed. The captain explained that they had wanted to supply R’hahes but could not take on the Midlanders alone. Further, he recounted what had been happening in the Free Cities while R’hahes was besieged. Elganford had agreed to aid R’hahes on the request of Cantadoré, whose actions and history deserved respect and recognition. This was still only after careful deliberation, and much of the city senate was in opposition. So, when Cantadoré suddenly fell ill and died, the opposition took the opportunity to postpone any action until after Cantadoré’s funeral. After the funeral, the aid was casually cancelled and promptly forgotten.

  The Heston captain explained that he was sent to inform R’hahes that no aid was coming. Cantaville blindly followed Elganford’s decisions and, without any help from the other City States, the Heston fleet had no choice but to return home. Devastated, R’hahes knew the situation was hopeless. His gambit had failed, and the reconquest was finished. This was the first real defeat R’hahes had faced, and Galleon accounts describe R’hahes as a broken man.

  There is a famous painting, The Swan Falls by Eric Sturwall, which depicts the moment of R’hahes’ surrender to McKenzie. While Sturwall lived several hundred years after this event, and half way across the world, I believe his depiction captures the essence of the event. A starving, disheveled R’hahes limps his way towards a triumphant McKenzie. Balwain and his Galleon can be seen in the background, muddied and shaggy as well. Disarranged Red Guard look down in shame as R’hahes passes by. In his eyes, however, Sturwall almost captures a sense of defiance; an anger boiling and barely contained.

  R'hahes and Balwain spoke with McKenzie on the terms of surrender. It was suspected by many that R’hahes and Balwain would both be killed, and McKenzie would have been justified in doing so. However, she would instead allow them safe passage aboard the Heston fleet, sparing their lives but with an extremely hefty price attached. R’hahes would be held personally responsible in paying for any damages to Estabur, including the rebuilding of its port and destroyed ships. On top of this, a future shipment of four hundred rifles would be fulfilled over the next ten years by Gedrovach. As for Galleon, several key fortresses in their newly acquired territory of Vye would be transferred to Oustour control. R’hahes had little recourse but to accept the hefty demands.

  The wary defenders boarded the Heston fleet and departed the city. After eight months of brutal conditions, the soldiers had little to show. R’hahes requested to be taken to Heston, since travelling through the Imperial lands would be his safest route home. The fleet agreed, since they would be returning their anyways. From Heston, R’hahes departed peacefully and made his way North to Elganford. The city, with good reason, refused to let the army enter. R’hahes and a small party were welcomed, as a measure of courtesy. Elganford was suspicious of why R’hahes had come, to which he replied that he was there to pay his respects to the dead Cantadoré. After a night of feasting, an incident occurred. We have no record of what happened, but Balwain recounted that a scuffle was instigated by the Elganians – failing to elaborate further. Historians are doubtful of Elganford’s blame in the brawl, due to what followed. R’hahes and his men managed to take hold of a city gate, where his men began entering the city.

  The efficiency of the subsequent attack has given rise to the notion that this assault was planned by R’hahes before even setting foot in Elganford. We have little record of the attack itself but the aftermath speaks for itself: the Red Guard and Galleons destroyed Elganford. The population was massacred, the vaults were pillaged and buildings were toppled. R’hahes spent four days destroying the city. He had the Elganford Senate Hall destroyed and the port burned. People fled from the city en masse, and stories of the event describe refugees being seared alive as burning oil was poured on them as they ran through the city gates.

  While many of the stories are conjecture, they all paint the same image of destruction which reflected the very real and very tangible damage R’hahes would inflict upon the city. One account tells us of R’hahes’ treatment of Barto Fitalla. Whether he believed Fitalla had betrayed him, or he just wanted to punish his perceived failure, Fitalla was whipped, flayed and hung on a hook where he was picked upon by crows. The account tells of R’hahes making the ruins of the great Senate House his base of operations – sitting in the Speaker of the Hall’s chair as a makeshift throne, spending an entire day and night watching Fitalla slowly succumb to his torturous death.

  One story which is true beyond a doubt was the manner in which R’hahes had the Senatorial Mausoleum desecrated. Most of the remains were cast out into the sea, but Cantadoré’s bones, specifically, were removed and taken with R’hahes to Wahtanonda. Cantadoré would be buried in the Wahtanondan Crypts, alongside the past princes of Gedrovach (the place his body rests even still). The honour was not appreciated by Elganford who, to this day, harbour great disdain towards R’hahes and Gedrovach.

  It is estimated that after four days, the city was less than a quarter of its original population. Over the following years, people slowly returned but even still a census in 1350, eleven years after the destruction, reported the city having a third of its pre-destruction population. This is often considered one of the worst sackings in Avidicus history, and I am inclined to agree. We do not know the true reason R’hahes committed this atrocity. Whether he was angered from his failure at Estabur, he felt it was a justified reprisal in Leonhart’s memory or he simply saw Elganford as a target to mitigate the financial burdens Midland had placed on him does little to help us understand the complete lack of mercy R’hahes exhibited that day. Truly, it would remain a black mark on an otherwise impeccable military record.

  In a sickly way, one which I hesitate to commend, the sheer efficiency of dismantling the city, especially one as large and well guarded as Elganford, gave one final reassurance that R’hahes was still the greatest commander of his time, regardless of his defeat at Estabur. This would be the last real campaign for R’hahes, although a sour note to end on. While still in Elganford, R’hahes received news of his father’s passing. He was to be anointed Prince. Elganford was spared further torture as R’hahes took his forces and marched North, through Imperial lands and back to Gedrovach, to claim his birthright.

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